Chapter 1 Introduction 1
1.1 Introduction 1
1.2 Denominal Verbs in Chinese 1
1.2.1 The Criteria 2
1.2.2 The Data 4
1.2.3 Semantic Properties of DNVs 6
1.3 Previous Approaches to DNVs 10
1.3.1 The Lexical/Morphological Approach 10
1.3.2 The Pragmatic Approach 12
1.3.3 The Lexical-semantic Approach 16
1.3.4 The Syntactic Approach 21
1.3.5 Summary 28
1.4 Rationale for This Research and Questions to Be Addressed 28
1.5 A Syntactic Approach to Chinese DNVs:An Overview 30
Chapter 2 The V-bar Pied-piping Hypothesis 37
2.1 Introduction 37
2.2 The V-bar Pied-piping Hypothesis 38
2.2.1 Dative Shift Under Current Theories on Verb-related Movement 39
2.2.2 The V'Reanalysis Hypothesis 43
2.2.3 The V-bar Pied-piping Hypothesis 48
2.2.4 Licensing V-bar Pied-piping 53
2.3 Explaining Some(A)symmetries of Syntactic Domains 56
2.4 Explaining Some Natural Word Order Phenomena 64
2.4.1 Adjuncts 64
2.4.2 Verb Particles 66
2.4.3 Extraposition 67
2.4.4 Inversion 69
2.5 Deriving Compound Verbs in Chinese 72
2.5.1 Verb-Directional/-Phase Constructions in Chinese 72
2.5.2 Verb-Resultative Constructions in Chinese 76
2.5.3 Light Verb Constructions in Chinese 82
2.6 Summary 88
Chapter 3 Semantic Light Categories in Chinese 90
3.1 Introduction 90
3.2 Light Verbs:Syntactic vs.Semantic 91
3.2.1 The Meanings of Light Verb 94
3.2.2 Light Verb v vs.Proto-verbs 102
3.2.3 Proto-verbs vs.Canonical Verbs 105
3.2.4 Auxiliary Verbs 108
3.3 Null Prepositions in Chinese 112
3.3.1 Variety and Unselectiveness of Verbal Objects 112
3.3.2 The Null Preposition Hypothesis 114
3.3.3 Some Consequences 121
3.4 Summary 130
Chapter 4 Syntactic Derivation of DNVs 131
4.1 Introduction 131
4.2 Reclassifying DNVs in Chinese 132
4.2.1 Aspectual Classes of Verbs 133
4.2.2 Aspectual Classes of Chinese DNVs 139
4.3 Deriving DNVs via Syntax 156
4.3.1 Deriving Sta-DNVs 157
4.3.2 Deriving Ach-DNVs 161
4.3.3 Deriving Acc-DNVs 163
4.3.4 Deriving Act-DNVs 170
4.4 Summary 174
Chapter 5 Syntax-Induced Properties of DNVs 175
5.1 Introduction 175
5.2 The Inter-Class Quantitative Asymmetry 176
5.3 The Inter-Categorical Asymmetry 185
5.4 The Pattern of Aspectual Shift with DNVs 190
5.4.1 State-to-Achievement Shift 191
5.4.2 Achievement-to-Accomplishment Shift 193
5.4.3 Accomplishment-to-Achievement Shift 193
5.4.4 Achievement-to-State Shift 195
5.4.5 Some Caveats 195
5.5 Accomplishment Verbs in Chinese 197
5.5.1 The Traditional View 197
5.5.2 Object-coerced Accomplishment Verbs 198
5.5.3 Syntactically-derived Accomplishment Verbs 200
5.6 Determination of the Aktionsart of DNVs 202
5.6.1 Definiteness of Objects 203
5.6.2 Boundedness of Objects 205
5.6.3 Boundedness of Source Nouns 209
5.6.4 Proto-verbs 210
5.7 Eventuality Structure of DNVs 211
5.7.1 The Singular-headedness of Sta-and Act-DNVs 212
5.7.2 The Double-headedness of Ach-DNVs 212
5.7.3 The Triple-headedness of Acc-DNVs 213
5.8 Semantic Generation of DNVs 215
5.8.1 The Basics of Generative Lexicon 215
5.8.2 Generating the Semantics of Sta-DNVs 218
5.8.3 Generating the Semantics of Ach-DNVs 221
5.8.4 Generating the Semantics of Acc-DNVs 222
5.8.5 Generating the Semantics of Act-DNVs 223
5.8.6 Functioning of Proto-verbs 225
5.9 Summary 227
Chapter 6 A Comparative Perspective on DNVs 229
6.1 Introduction 229
6.2 Asymmetries Between Chinese and English DNVs 230
6.2.1 Quantitative Asymmetry 230
6.2.2 Typological Asymmetry 231
6.2.3 Aspectual Asymmetry 232
6.3 Potential Parametric Variations 235
6.3.1 Activity vs. Inertness of Null Preposition P 236
6.3.2 Prominence vs. Dormancy of Proto-verbs 240
6.3.3 Applicability of V-bar Pied-piping 253
6.4 The Account for the Asymmetries 261
6.4.1 Explaining the Quantitative Asymmetry 261
6.4.2 Explaining the Typological Asymmetry 264
6.4.3 Explaining the Aspectual Asymmetry 270
6.5 Summary 272
Chapter 7 A Diachronic Perspective on Chinese DNVs 273
7.1 Introduction 273
7.2 Characteristics of Classical Chinese DNVs 274
7.3 Light Categories and V-bar Pied-piping in Classical Chinese 276
7.3.1 Null Prepositions in Classical Chinese Syntax 277
7.3.2 Proto-verbs in Classical Chinese Syntax 280
7.3.3 V-bar Pied-piping in Classical Chinese Syntax 288
7.3.4 Classical Chinese DNVs:A Paradox 292
7.4 A Minimalist Account 293
7.4.1 Patterns of Feature Bundling 293
7.4.2 Strength of Morphemes 295
7.4.3 The Account 297
7.5 The Extension of Light Categories from Syntax to Morphology 301
7.5.1 The Denominal Prefix*s-in Early Archaic Chinese 301
7.5.2 The Denominal Falling Tone in Middle Archaic Chinese 303
7.5.3 DenominalLight Categories in Modern Chinese 305
7.6 Summary 307
Chapter 8 Concluding Remarks 309
8.1 Major Findings 309
8.2 Limitations 312
Appendix 314
References 327